AS THE WORLD SQUIRMS

Saturday 3.29.03

 

Political Commentary

Owen Whitman

 


 

QUOTES OF THE DAY

 

“There is nothing more difficult to plan, more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to manage, than a creation of a new order of things.”

 

Niccolo Machiavelli

The Prince – 1513

 

 

“A military attack on Iraq is obviously criminal; completely inconsistent with urgent needs of the peoples of the United Nations; unjustifiable on any legal or moral ground; irrational in light of the unknown facts, out of proportion to other existing threat of war and violence; and a dangerous adventure risking conflict throughout the region and far beyond for years to come.”

 

Ramsey Clark

former US attorney General

 

 

 

My Dead Mother is Liberated and so am I!

A wounded Iraqi girl is treated by U.S. marines in central Iraq (news - web sites) March 29, 2003. Confused front line crossfire ripped apart an Iraqi family on Saturday after local soldiers appeared to force civilians towards U.S. marines positions. The four-year old girl, blood streaming from an eye wound, was screaming for her dead mother, while her father, shot in a leg, begged to be freed from the plastic wrist cuffs slapped on him by U.S. marines, so he could hug his other terrified daughter. REUTERS/Damir Sagolj

”My Little Brother is Dead but at least he’s liberated.”

An Iraqi boy sits near the body of his brother lying in a casket prior to his funeral after the US-led bombing. Photo: AFP

 


No Let Up In Anti-War Protests

Another wave of anti-war protests are being held in many parts of the world this weekend.

 

Saturday - 3.29.03

BBC

STORY

 

 

 South Korean anti-war protesters scuffle with riot police at a protest in Seoul March 29, 2003. About 2,000 protesters demanded the South Korean government not to get involved in the U.S.-led war on Iraq (news - web sites). REUTERS/Lee Jae-Won

Thousands of Malaysian demonstrators hold banners and shout anti-U.S and Britain slogans as they marched through the streets in downtown Kuala Lumpur to protest against the U.S.-led war on Iraq (news - web sites), Saturday, March. 29, 2003. (AP Photo/Teh Eng Koon) 

 Around 7,000 demonstraters walk trough the city of Rostock, northern Germany, to protest against the war on Iraq (news - web sites) on Saturday, March 29, 2003. Banner reads 'No to war' (AP Photo/ Thomas Haentzschel)

Chilean Greenpeace activists dress up as U.S. President George W. Bush (news - web sites) (R) and the mascot of U.S. firm ESSO during an anti-war protest at a gas station in Santiago, March 28, 2003. A small group of peace activists called for a boycott of U.S. companies and demanded a stop to the war. REUTERS/Carlos Barria

Thousands of Bangladeshis march during an anti-war protest in Dhaka, March 28, 2003. Some 50,000 Muslims participated in the protest on Friday against the U.S.-led war on Iraq (news - web sites). REUTERS/Rafiqur Rahman

 A protester waves an Iraqi flag as others carry a banner reading 'We need schools not bombs' during an anti-war demonstration to the U.S. Consulate in the northern port city of Thessaloniki, Greece, on Saturday, March 29, 2003. About 4,000 demonstrators rallied outside the consulate protesting the U.S.-led war against Iraq (news - web sites). (AP Photo/Giorgos Nissiotis)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Picture Profile: The World Protests Washington's Attack On Iraq

A/P Pictures from around the globe - frequent updates.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


 


TERRORISM

 

WASHINGTON MISSILE STRIKES TEEMING BAGHDAD MARKET – AT LEAST 55 CIVILIANS KILLED, SCORES WOUNDED

 

 

The Al Shualla carnage came at the end of a day in which an increasingly frustrated US seemed to abandon its undertaking not to damage Iraq's civilian infrastructure. Waves of strikes, including the first confirmed use of 4700-pound bunker-buster bombs [WMDs], destroyed much of Baghdad's telephone system after direct hits on at least three telephone exchanges.

 

 

 Two children lay dead in the morgue of Al Nur hospital, following a bomb that landed in a busy market in the Al Shula'a district of West Baghdad Friday March 28, 2003, killing at least 50 people, according to local hospital sources. The U.S. Central Command in Qatar said it was looking into the reports. (AP Photo/Jerome Delay)

 Members of the Amer family pray over the remains of their family members in their home after a bomb landed in a busy market in the Al Shula'a district of West Baghdad, Friday March 28 2003. Arabic language television stations reported Friday that U.S. missiles killed more than 50 people in the market. (AP Photo/Jerome Delay)

An Iraqi girl, who Iraqi officials say was wounded in a US-led airstrike, lies in a Baghdad hospital following an explosion in a Baghdad marketplace which left many dead, March 28, 2003. Warplanes and cruise missiles struck Baghdad on Friday in some of the heaviest bombing of the war, and an Iraqi doctor said that 55 were killed in a market place blast. RETUERS/Goran Tomasevic

 U.S. General Richard B. Myers, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff briefs the press at the Pentagon (news - web sites), March 28, 2003. Iraqis said more than 50 people were killed on Friday in an air raid on a popular Baghdad market after the United States unleashed some of the heaviest air strikes of the war on the capital. REUTERS/Mannie Garcia

 

“…the suffering and the grief radiating from a small crater in this poor Shiite neighbourhood in north-west Baghdad will make it harder for ordinary Iraqis to see the US-led invasion force as an army of liberation, rather than conquest.”

 

STORY


 

 

Pentagon Keeps Return of Iraqi War Dead from Media
Fri March 28, 2003 06:16 PM ET
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The Pentagon has no plans to allow media access to a U.S. Air Force base receiving the bodies of American soldiers killed in Iraq, a Defense Department spokeswoman said on Friday.

 

Story


 

 

Uncensored Info on Iraq War from the Russian GRU

War in Iraq - a week of war

Previous Reports Here

March 28, 2003, 1448hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow - According to the latest intercepted radio communications, the command of the coalition group of forces near Karabela requested at least 12 more hours to get ready to storm the town. This delay is due to the much heavier losses sustained by the coalition troops during the sand storms then was originally believed. Just the US 3rd Mechanized Infantry Division sustained more than 200 disabled combat vehicles of various types. The 101st Airborne Division reported some 70 helicopters as being disabled. Additionally, the recently delivered reinforcements require rest and time to prepare for combat.

At the same time the US forces have resumed attacks near An-Nasiriya and An-Najaf since 0630hrs and are continuously increasing the intensity of these attacks. During the night and early morning of March 28 the Iraqi positions in these areas were subjected to eight aerial assaults by bombers and ground attack aircraft. However, so far [the coalition] was unable to penetrate the Iraqi defenses.

Also during the early morning the British units begun advancing along the Fao peninsula. Latest radio intercepts from this area show that under a continuous artillery and aerial bombardment the Iraqis have begun to gradually withdraw their forces toward Basra.

First firefights between troops of the US 82nd Airborne Division and the Iraqi forces occurred in northern Iraq in the area of Mosula. At the same time the arrival of up to 1,500 Kurdish troops has been observed in this area. So far it is not clear to which of the many Kurdish political movements these troops belong. Leaders of the largest Kurdish workers party categorically denied participation of their troops. They believe that these may be units of one of the local tribes not controlled by the central authorities of the Kurdish autonomy and "ready to fight with anyone" for money.

According to verified information, during the past 48 hours of the Iraqi counterattacks the coalition forces sustained the following losses: up to 30 killed, over 110 wounded and 20 missing in action; up to 30 combat vehicles lost or disabled, including at least 8 tanks and 2 self-propelled artillery systems, 2 helicopters and 2 unmanned aerial vehicles were lost in combat. Iraqi losses are around 300 killed, up to 800 wounded, 200 captured and up to 100 combat vehicles 25 of which were tanks. Most of the [ Iraqi ] losses were sustained due to the artillery fire and aerial bombardment that resumed by the evening of March 27.

First conclusions can be drawn from the war

The first week of the war surprised a number of military analysts and experts. The war in Iraq uncovered a range of problems previously left without a serious discussion and disproved several resilient myths.

The first myth is about the precision-guided weapons as the determining factor in modern warfare, weapons that allow to achieve strategic superiority without direct contact with the enemy. On the one hand we have the fact that during the past 13 years the wars were won by the United States with minimum losses and, in essence, primarily through the use of aviation. At the same time, however, the US military command was stubborn in ignoring that the decisive factor in all these wars was not the military defeat of the resisting armies but political isolation coupled with strong diplomatic pressure on the enemy's political leadership. It was the creation of international coalitions against Iraq in 1991, against Yugoslavia in 1999 and against Afghanistan in 2001 that ensured the military success.

The American command preferred not to notice the obvious military failures during expeditions to Granada, Libya and Somalia, discounting them as "local operations" not deserving much attention.

Today we can see that in itself massed use of strategic and tactical precision-guided weapons did not provide the US with a strategic advantage. Despite the mass use of the most sophisticated weapons the Americans have so far failed to disrupt Iraqi command and control infrastructure, communication networks, top Iraqi military and political leadership, Iraqi air defenses. At the same time the US precision-guided weapons arsenal has been reduced by about 25%.

The only significant advantage of the precision-guided weapons is the capability to avoid massive casualties among the civilians in densely populated areas.

What we have is an obvious discrepancy between the ability to locate and attack a target with precision-guided weapons and the power of this weapon, which is not sufficient to reliably destroy a protected target.

On the other hand, precision-guided munitions demonstrated their superiority over conventional munitions on the battlefield. The ability to attack targets at long ranges with the first shot is the deciding factor in the American superiority in land battles.

The second myth disproved by this war is the myth propagated by the proponents of the "hi-tech" war, who believe in the superiority of the most modern weapons and inability of older-generation weapons to counteract the latest systems. Today the technological gap between the Iraqi weapons and those of the coalition has reached 25-30 years, which corresponds to two "generations" in weapons design. The primary Iraqi weapons correspond to the level of the early 1970s. Since that time the Americans, on the other hand, have launched at least two major rearmament efforts: the "75-83 program" and the "90-97 program". Moreover, currently the US is in the middle of another major modernization and rearmament program that will continue for the next five years. Despite of this obvious gap, Iraqi resistance has already been publicly qualified by the US as "fierce and resilient". Analysts believe that the correlation of losses is entirely acceptable to the Iraqis and they [ the analysts ] do not see any strategic coalition advantage in this war. Once again this proves that success in modern warfare is achieved not so much through technological superiority but primarily through training, competent command and resilience of the troops. Under such conditions even relatively old weapons can inflict heavy losses on a technologically-superior enemy.

Two enormous mistakes made by the US command during the planning stages of this war resulted in the obvious strategic failure. The US has underestimated the enemy. Despite the unique ability to conduct reconnaissance against the Iraqi military infrastructure through a wide network of agents implanted with the international teams of weapons inspectors, despite of unlimited air dominance the US military command has failed to adequately evaluate combat readiness of the Iraqi army and its technical capabilities; the US has failed to correctly asses the social and political situation in Iraq and in the world in general. These failures led to entirely inadequate military and political decisions:

The coalition force was clearly insufficient for a such a large-scale operation. The number of deployed troops was at least 40% short of the required levels. This is the reason why today, after nine days of war, the US is forced to resort to emergency redeployment of more than 100,000 troops from the US territory and from Europe. This, in essence, is the same number of troops already fighting in Iraq.

The buildup and distribution of the coalition forces have been conducted with gross neglect of all basic rules of combat. All troops were massed in one small area, which led to five days of non-stop fighting to widen this area. The initial attack begun without any significant aerial or artillery preparation and almost immediately this resulted in reduced rate of advance and heated positional battles.

Today we can see that the US advance is characterized by disorganized and "impulsive" actions. The troops are simply trying to find weak spots in the Iraqi defenses and break through them until they hit the next ambush or the next line of defense.

Not a single goal set before the coalition forces was met on time.

During the nine days of the war the coalition has failed:

- to divide Iraq in half along the An-Nasiriya - Al-Ammara line,
- to surround and to destroy the Iraqi group of forces at Basra,
- to create an attack group between the Tigris and the Euphrates with a front toward Baghdad,
- to disrupt Iraq's military and political control, to disorganize Iraq's forces and to destroy the main Iraqi attack forces.

A whole range of problems that require their own solutions was uncovered directly on the battlefield. Thus, combat in Iraq raised serious concerns about the problem of coordination between units from different services. Limited decision-making time and the ability to detect and to engage an enemy at a great distance make "friendly fire" one of the most serious problems of modern warfare. For now the coalition has no adequate solution to this problem. At one location or another every day of this war the coalition troops were attacking friendly forces.

The second problem of the coalition is its inability to hold on to the captured territory. For the first time since the war in Vietnam the Americans have to deal with a partisan movement and with attacks against their [the US] lines of communication. Currently the coalition is rushing to form some sort of territorial defense units for guarding its supply lines and for maintaining order in the occupied territories.

A range of technical problems with equipment has been revealed during the combat operations. Most operators of the M1A2 Abrams main battle tank agree that the tank was inadequate for performing the set combat tasks. The primary problem is the extremely low reliability of the tank's engine and its transmission in desert conditions. Heat from the sun, hot sand and the constantly present hot dust in the air nearly nullified the advantages offered by the turret-mounted thermal sights. Visibility range of these sights did not exceed 300 meters during movement in convoy and reached up to 700-800 meters during stops. Only during cold nights did the visibility range reach 1000-1,500 meters. Additionally, a large number of thermal sights and other electronics simply broke down. The tiny crystalline sand particles caused electrical power surges and disabled electronic equipment.

This was the reason for the decision by the coalition command to stop movement of troops at night when a contact with the enemy was deemed likely.

The main strong side of the coalition forces was the wide availability of modern reconnaissance and communication systems that allowed to detect the enemy at long ranges and to quickly suppress the enemy with well-coordinated actions of different types of available forces.

In general the US soldiers showed sufficiently high combat resilience. Even in the extremely difficult weather conditions the troops maintained control structure and adequately interpreted the situation. Combat spirit remained high. The majority of troops remain confident in their abilities, while maintaining belief in the superiority of their weapons and maintaining reasonable confidence in the way the war is being fought.

It should be noted, however, that the way the war is being fought did create a certain sense of disappointment in most of the troops. Many are feeling that they've been lied to and are openly talking about the stupidity of the high command and its gross miscalculations. "Those star-covered Pentagon idiots promised us a victory march and flowers on the armor. What we got instead were those damned fanatics fighting for every dune and the sand squeaking in your ass!" said one of the wounded recuperating at a hospital in Rammstein. [ Reverse translation from Russian ]

Nevertheless, despite of the sand storms the terrain favors the coalition actions by allowing it to employ their entire arsenal of weapons at the greatest possible range, which makes it difficult for the Iraqis to conduct combat operations outside of populated areas.

Overestimating the abilities of its airborne forces was a weak side of the coalition. Plans for a wide-scale use of helicopters as an independent force did not materialize. All attempts by the US command to organize aerial and ground operations through exclusive use of airborne forces have failed. Because of these failures by the end of the fourth day of the war all airborne units were distributed across the coalition units and used by the attacking forces for reconnaissance, fire support, and for containing the enemy. The main burden of combat was carried by the "heavy" mechanized infantry and tank units.

Another serious drawback in the coalition planning was the exceptionally weak protection in the rear of the advancing forces. This resulted in constant interruptions in fuel supply. Tank units sometimes spent up to 6 hours standing still with empty fuel tanks, in essence, being targets for the Iraqis. Throughout the war delivery of food, ammunition and fuel remains a headache for the US commanders.

Among the US soldiers there has been a wide-scale discontent with the quality of the new combat rations. Servicemen are openly calling these rations "shitty." Many soldier just take the biscuits and the sweets and discard the rest of the ration. Commanders of the combat units are demanding from the coalition command to immediately provide the troops with hot food and to review the entire contents of the combat ration.

Among the strong sides of the Iraqi troops are their excellent knowledge of the terrain, high quality of defensive engineering work, their ability to conceal their main attack forces and their resilience and determination in defense. The Iraqis have shown good organization in their command and communication structures as well as decisive and and well-planned strategy.

Among the drawbacks of the Iraqi forces is the bureaucratic inflexibility of their command, when all decisions are being made only at the highest levels. Their top commanders also tend to stick to standard "template" maneuvers and there is insufficient coordination among the different types of forces.

At the same time commanders of the [Iraqi] special operations forces are making good use of the available troops and weapons to conduct operations behind the front lines of the enemy. They use concealment, show cunning and imagination.

The first strategic lessons of the war

[Lessons of the war in Iraq are discussed here with a focus on a possible similar war between Russia and the US]

The main of such lessons is the ever-increasing significance of troop concealment as one of the primary methods of combat. Concealment and strict adherence to the requirements for secrecy and security become strategic goals of the defending forces in the view of the US reliance and that of its allies on precision-guided weapons, electronic and optical reconnaissance as well as due to their use of tactical weapons at the maximum possible range afforded by these reconnaissance methods. Importance of concealment is being seen in Iraq and was clearly demonstrated in Yugoslavia, where the Yugoslav Army preserved nearly 98% of its assets despite the three months of bombing. Within our [Russian/European] battle theater concealment methods will offer us [the Russian army] an enormous advantage over the US.

The second lesson of this war is the strategic role of the air defenses in modern warfare as the most important service of the armed forces. Only the complete air dominance of the coalition allows it to continue its advance toward Baghdad and to achieve the critical advantage in any engagement. Even the short interruption in air support caused by the sand storms put the US and British troops in a very difficult situation.

Elimination of the air defenses as a separate service branch of the [Russian] Armed Forces and its gradual dissipation in the Air Force can be called nothing else but a "crime". [This statement refers to the recent unification of the Russian Air Force (VVS) and the Air Defense Force (PVO) and the secondary role of the air defense force within this new structure.]

The third lesson of the war is the growing importance of combat reconnaissance and increased availability of anti-tank weapons capable of engaging the enemy at maximum range. There is a requirement on the battlefield for a new weapon system for small units that would allow for detection of the enemy at maximum distance during day or night; for effective engagement of modern tanks at a range of 800-1000 meters; for engagement of enemy infantry at a range of 300-500 meters even with the modern personal protection equipment possessed by the infantry.

 

 

 

 

 

Proof Positive - Washington’s Political Class Are Well… “Different”

Clinton – 1990

Accidentally demonstrates super powers - x-ray vision through binocular lens caps!

Bush – 2002

Ditto, Bush!

 

Daschle – 2003

The Borg! Heart on wrong side!


 

THE FOG OF BATTLE

 

REPORT SOURCE

CLAIM

REALITY

British House of Commons (Rumor)

 

THE DEFECTION OF TARIQ AZIZ

19 March

In the House of Commons on 19 March, rumours began to circulate that the Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister had fled to Bulgaria. If true, the suggestion, put about by American officials, would have been a huge coup for the Allies.

 

Intelligence sources were united in their disbelief. And they were soon vindicated by the appearance the same day of Tariq Aziz on television in Baghdad, quashing the latest rumour that he had been killed while trying to flee the country.

 

BBC (UK)

Donald Rumsfeld (Defense Secretary, U.S.)

BATTLE FOR UMM QASR

 20 March, 7.33pm

Rarely can a military target have been captured as often as Umm Qasr. Nine days ago, a Kuwaiti news agency set the ball rolling when it claimed that the port had been overrun. From then it seemed to be captured day after day.

On Friday, US Marines raised the Stars and Stripes – only for it to be removed hastily for public relations reasons – and Donald Rumsfeld, the US Defence Secretary, decreed the area "secure". An hour after the BBC had announced that Umm Qasr and Basra had fallen in the early days, an Iraqi opposition leader said: "It is quite untrue. There is still heavy fighting in both places."

 

On Saturday, "pockets of resistance" remained, the British said. The next day in the "taken" area US Marines encountered snipers, then machine-gun fire and grenades. By Tuesday, and the arrival of British Royal Marines, the port was declared, "open and secure". Baghdad continues to deny having lost control of the strategic port.

 

Pentagon Sources (U.S.)

Admiral Sir Michael Boyce – Chief, UK Defence Staff

Geoff Hoon – Secretary of State for Defense (UK)

New York Times

DISAPPEARING IRAQI TROOPS

21 March, 3am

Intelligence reports had predicted the capitulation of Iraq's 51st Division before war had even started. With thousands of propaganda leaflets having been dropped on to the troops and dark hints of American contacts with Iraqi generals, large-scale desertions were a given. "In the southern area, where there are six Iraqi divisions, 50 per cent of their officers are planning to surrender once the campaign opens," one intelligence officer claimed.

As the war started, Pentagon sources said the Iraqi military was "breaking from within". No surprise then, when Admiral Sir Michael Boyce, chief of the UK defence staff, said last Saturday that the 51st Division, one of those defending Basra, had surrendered and "that we have many thousands of prisoners of war". Geoff Hoon did not take long to assert that the 51st had "stopped" fighting. The commander and his deputy had given themselves up with 8,000 soldiers surrendering or deserting, said reports. The New York Times reported that the division had "melted away".

 

 

Within days, elements of the 51st were miracously back at war. It soon became clear that the man who surrendered was a junior officer masquerading as his commander. Maj-Gen Wall confirmed that elements of the 51st had returned to the city, taking up arms again. Predict-ions of the scale of the desertions have proved wildly over-optimistic: yesterday US officials said they had only 4,000 prisoners of war.

Israel – Jerusalem Post

Fox Newschannel (Quoting un-named Pentagon Officials)

ABC News

Reuters

AFP

CHEMICAL WEAPONS

24 March, 1.33am

On the day of the first significant Allied combat casualties, the discovery of a "chemical weapons complex" was a welcome propaganda coup for US-led forces.

If the reports were true, it would have been the first find by the invasion force validating allegations that Iraq still had weapons of mass destruction.

The discovery came after a weekend of minor setbacks and tough fighting in the early days of the war. Doubts arose almost as quickly as the reports that appeared overnight on Sunday in the Jerusalem Post, which had a reporter with the troops as they entered the complex, and the US news channel Fox, quoting unnamed Pentagon officials. By then the other networks had already got in on the act. ABC News cited one unidentified official who said an Iraqi general captured at the site "was a potential gold mine of evidence about the weapons Saddam Hussein said he does not have".

Former weapons inspectors said the discovery of the site near Najaf by the 1st Brigade of the US 3rd Infantry division was probably insignificant.

US defence officials soon began to row back, saying the factory "may turn out to be a chemical weapons site, or it may be a site that was producing something else". They remained non-committal. Two Iraqi generals in custody were providing useful information, they said. Tests were being carried out at the area, which remained a "site of interest".

Asked about the claims, General Tommy Franks, the coalition commander, told reporters: "It would not surprise me if there were chemicals in the plant and it would not surprise me if there weren't ... It's a bit early for us to have any expectation ... we'll wait for the days ahead." And we still are.

 

Bogus, no one officially recants.

Tony Blair – Prime Minister, UK

Geoff Hoon – Secretary of State for Defense (UK)

GMTV

BASRA UPRISING

25 March, first reports 5.15pm

The desire of the Iraqi people to use the Allied invasion as an opportunity to rise up against their hated dictator was seen as the key to a rapid victory. Hence the excitement when reports began to come in on Tuesday that Shias in Basra, Iraq's second city, were engaged in another attempt to settle their scores with President Saddam. Tony Blair told the Commons that there had been "some limited form of uprising". Geoff Hoon, the Secretary of State for Defence, went further, saying the regime had "lost control of southern Iraq".

Military sources were more cautious at US Central Command in Qatar. Major-General Peter Wall, a British officer, said the rebellion was in its "infancy" and it was wrong to predict a "rapid outcome". Tales of people on the streets came from "intelligence sources", but they were leapt onby British newspapers. Al-Jazeera, the Qatar-based broadcaster that actually had a correspondent in the city, said the streets were calm.

More definitive was the verdict of an Iraqi Shia group based in Iran with every reason to encourage insurgency. "Some disturbances took place ... but it was not widespread and it was not an intifada. The people chanted slogans against Saddam Hussein."

 

 

CLARIFICATION

Yesterday, ColChris Vernon, a British military spokesman, said: "Basra is clearly nowhere near yet in our hands and we have no way at the moment of getting humanitarian aid into Basra." Funny then that the GMTV reporter, Richard Gaisford who broke the story, was still insisting yesterday that the military had sanctioned his report.

Tony Blair

IRAQ MILITARY EXECUTING BRITISH PRISONERS

27 March

 

Blair used the podium of a globally televised Camp David press conference with George Bush to announce to the world that “Iraq has executed British prisoners.” According to the PM, Iraqi gunmen killed sapper Luke Allsopp and Staff Sergeant Simon Cullingworth during an ambush of their vehicle in southern Iraq.

 

Mr Blair had said that the television footage showed an "atrocity" that was "beyond the comprehension of anyone with an ounce of humanity in their souls".

 

Within hours of Blair’s remarks, Mr Allsopp's sister revealed that she had been told by the colonel from his barracks that her brother had died "instantly" in the ambush. Michael Pawsey, Sapper Allsopp's stepfather, said that as far as the family was concerned he was killed in action.

 

 

The Wall Street Journal, 27 March 2003

Perle's Conflict Issue Is Shared By Others on His Defense Panel

By TOM HAMBURGER and DENNIS K. BERMAN
Staff Reporters of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

 

WASHINGTON -- Former Pentagon assistant secretary Richard Perle has been assailed for possible conflicts between his business interests and chairmanship of a Pentagon advisory board, but other panel members have potential conflicts, too.

Mr. Perle has been criticized in recent days following disclosure that he sought defense-related consulting business while heading the Defense Policy Board, which advises the defense secretary on a range of policy and strategic issues. But business interests of at least nine of his colleagues also overlap with their board service.

 

Former Central Intelligence Agency chief James Woolsey is a senior executive at consultancy Booz Allen Hamilton Inc., which received $688 million in Pentagon contracts in 2002. He also is one of three principals in a venture-capital firm that has been soliciting investment in homeland-security-related firms. Mr. Woolsey insists none of the companies he is affiliated with has ever been discussed at a board meeting, and that he does no lobbying. He said he was unaware of Mr. Perle's personal financial interests and wouldn't comment on them.

Another panel member, retired Adm. David Jeremiah, sits on boards -- one of them advisory -- of five corporations that received more than $10 billion in Pentagon contracts in 2002, according to a forthcoming report from the Center for Public Integrity, a Washington watchdog group. Retired Air Force Gen. Ronald Fogleman sits on the board of five defense firms that received more than a billion dollars in defense contracts in 2002. Adm. Jeremiah and Gen. Fogleman didn't return calls requesting comment.

 

Panel members must disclose their business interests, but those disclosures aren't open for public examination. The potential for conflict in these arrangements is sparking calls from lawmakers and watchdog groups for government inquiries and greater disclosure of activities of the advisory board and its members.

 

Mr. Woolsey and others on the board reject such complaints. "I cannot recall a single contractor matter coming before the boards I sit on. In any case, you don't have decision-making authority over contracts," the former CIA director said.

 

Mr. Woolsey's firm, Paladin Capital Group, and that of Mr. Perle, Trireme Partners, both solicit investment in homeland-security concerns.

Mr. Perle also secured a $725,000 fee from Global Crossing Ltd., a telecommunications firm now operating under bankruptcy-court protection, that is seeking Pentagon permission to sell itself to investors in Asia. The Defense Department has objected to the Global Crossing deal on national-security grounds because the company would be owned by a Hong Kong-based concern with ties to China, Hutchison Whampoa Ltd.

According to documents prepared by Global Crossing to explain its sale plan to the court, Mr. Perle's total fee is $725,000. Of that, $600,000 would be paid if the company obtains approval from the Pentagon. The documents cite Mr. Perle's defense-board chairmanship as a reason for hiring him to press its case.

 

Mr. Perle didn't return calls requesting comment, but a person close to the transaction said Mr. Perle's primary role was to identify the deal's national-security issues and create a plan to address them. "He had the security credentials to get the investors comfortable" with the structure that now makes Hutchison a passive investor in the reorganized Global Crossing, this person said.

 

Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld is busy and unable to comment on the matter, said a spokesman, Maj. Ted Wadsworth.

Write to Tom Hamburger at tom.hamburger@wsj.com and Dennis K. Berman at dennis.berman@wsj.com

Updated March 27, 2003 12:20 a.m.

 

 


 

 

 

And so it goes…

Your Pal,

Owen