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AS THE WORLD SQUIRMS
Wednesday – December 13, 2006

~Favorite Quotes~
ARCHIVE
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As The World Squirms
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Commentary Etc.
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Music/Music-Videos
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August 30, 2006
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September 2, 2006
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October 17, 2006
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October 18, 2006
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October 21, 2006
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October 23, 2006
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October 24, 2006
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October 25, 2006
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October 28, 2006
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November 5, 2006
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November 6, 2006
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November 9, 2006
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November 13, 2006
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November 14, 2006
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November 15, 2006
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November 19, 2006
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November 21, 2006
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November 26, 2006
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November 29, 2006
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November 29, 2006 (SPECIAL: An
open letter to the American People from Iranian President Ahmadinejad)
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December 3, 2006
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December 11, 2006
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December 13, 2006
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General
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September 9,
2006: “No More Lies! What Really Motivated The 9/11 Hijackers? (Video)
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British MP
George Galloway Speaks Out On Israel, Hezbollah And ‘Zionist State Terrorism’
(Video)
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Palestine & Lebanon: Watch
The Destruction! (Video)
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Saddam
Hussein: “Thanks For The Memories”, He Was Always Washington’s Man –
Always! (Video)
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Iraq, The
Real Story – BBC Newsnight Report (Video)
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9/11 -
Selective Memory –Parody (Animation)
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9/11
Vendetta – Past, Present & Future (Video)
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Don’t
Shut-Up, Stand-Up!
(Video)
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Classic George Carlin Rant – Trenchant and Profane
- Caution, ‘colorful’ Use of
Profanity and Much Truth (Spoken)
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Keith Olbermann: The ‘Murder’ of
Habeas Corpus (Video)
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Bush's "Comma" Comment
On Iraq (Video)
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Keith
Olbermann: Military Commissions Act, A Special Comment (Video)
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“Bring ’Em Home” – Bruce Springsteen’s New
Antiwar Anthem (Music-Video)
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September 4, 2006:” John The
Revelator”- Depeche Mode (Music-Video)
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‘Fascist Christ’ - Todd Rundgren
(Music-Video)
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‘Right Now…’
(Music-Video)
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Bush-Blair “Endless Love”
–Parody (Music- Video)
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“Mamas Don’t
Let Your Babies Grow Up To Be Pages” (Music)
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‘Whatever Happened To Peace On Earth’ – Willy
Nelson’s New Antiwar Anthem (Music)
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“Political language ... is designed to make lies sound truthful
and murder
respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure
wind.”
~George Orwell~
Michael S.
Rozeff
12.13.06
(Excerpt)
The
Iraq Study Group Report echoes President Bush’s belated recognition that
democracy in Iraq "will depend primarily on the actions of the Iraqi
people," yet it still holds to the discredited theory that the U.S.
armed forces, wealth, and assistance can help determine the sex of and give
birth to a new and unified Iraqi democratic state. But if a people does not
want a government or a democracy that fits U.S. specifications, what can the
U.S. do about it short of imposing such a government, an action that, as in
Iran, can only lead to long-run problems? And should the U.S. be in
the business of encouraging the modern, over-powerful, and dysfunctional
welfare state anyway?
If this Report’s writers and top Administration officials have their
way, a pullout will be very slow. They are still seeking outcomes beyond U.S.
control and attainment, such as a stable Iraqi state ruling a peaceful Iraq.
The Report calls for a temporary increase in U.S. armed forces in Iraq along
with numerous other measures that not only do not remove the U.S. from Iraq,
they increase American involvement and commitment.
Strangely, the Report maintains the hope of American success in
Iraq even as it views as "implausible" that the Iraqis will avert
an "unfolding civil war." While recognizing and spelling out the
hopeless situation, the Report nevertheless calls for a last ditch and
concerted effort to salvage something out of the Iraq debacle. Playing poker or the
stock market in this way, by failing to cut losses, leads to bigger losses. Only the illusion that
one controls the game, the market, or the Iraq situation is what keeps the
player in a losing game, meeting every raise and raising the stakes even
higher. The U.S. political establishment, as reflected in this Report, still
thinks it has what it takes to win the game of shaping the world to U.S.
tastes. It fears that if it loses this hand in Iraq, the U.S. will be set
back for many years to come. If this and succeeding administrations keep
increasing the size of the pot, and there are no indications that they will
not, then, unless the American people see the light, the prospect of
financial ruin will provide the last and final sanction to terminate the
excessive and unrealistic U.S. ambitions.

The Scotsman – Edinburgh
12.13.06
(Excerpt)
POPE
Benedict said yesterday that states had to set ethical limits on what could be
done to protect their people from terrorism and that some countries had
flouted international humanitarian law in recent wars.
The
Pope made his comments in an annual message for the Roman Catholic Church's
World Day of Peace, celebrated on 1 January. The message,
traditionally sent to governments and international organisations, repeated
his belief that war in God's name was never justified.
Luke Harding in Berlin and Duncan Campbell
Guardian Unlimited - London
12.12.06
(Excerpt)
Israel's prime minister, Ehud Olmert,
was today trying to fend off accusations of ineptitude and calls for his
resignation after he accidentally acknowledged for the first time that Israel had
nuclear weapons.
After
decades in which Israel has stuck to a doctrine of nuclear ambiguity, Mr Olmert let slip during
an interview in Germany that Israel did indeed have weapons of mass
destruction. He told Germany's Sat.1
channel last night: "Iran, openly, explicitly and publicly, threatens to
wipe Israel off the map. Can you say that this is the same level, when they are aspiring
to have nuclear weapons, as America, France, Israel and Russia?"
Robert Gates: Incoming
U.S. Secretary of Defense reveals that Israel is a Partner in US Sponsored
Nuclear Threat against Iran
Globalresearch.ca (via AP)
12.9.06
(Excerpt)
Robert Gates, the incoming Secretary of Defense
has candidly acknowledged that Iran is "surrounded"
by nukes and is the object of a US sponsored nuclear threat.
“They [the Iranians] are surrounded by powers with nuclear
weapons—Pakistan to their east, the Russians to the north, the Israelis to
the west and us [the United States] in the Persian Gulf,” (Senate
Committee confirmation hearing).
By acknowledging the role of Israeli nukes
in the Middle East war theater, the new Secretary of Defense has
revealed a new phase of the “game plan” against Iran.
Secretary Gates seems to
have omitted that India is also a nuclear power in close
proximity to Iran and that Britain has nuclear capabilities deployed in
the Persian Gulf. Also omitted
from Secretary Gates' statement is the fact that U.S. made tactical
nuclear weapons are deployed in Turkey and four
other "non-nuclear" EU member states including Holland,
Belgium, Italy and Germany.
Justin Raimondo
Antiwar.com
12.13.06
(Excerpt)
The Lobby is reeling. For the first time since
the Eisenhower
era, our
Israeli-centric policy in the Middle East is being
openly and successfully challenged. In the past, Israel's amen corner in the U.S. has been able
to effectively neutralize all critics by smearing them, and the charge of
"anti-Semitism" has been applied with an absurdly broad brush to
everyone from Gore Vidal to Pat Buchanan and all points in between.
However, this case is getting increasingly hard to make. Are we now to
believe that the U.S. Department of Justice, Harvard University, Baker and
the Bush I crowd, and Jimmy Carter are all part of a vast anti-Semitic
conspiracy?
Surely not. With the British
endorsement of the Baker group's conclusions, one would also have to include
Tony Blair among the conspirators. When Mearsheimer and Walt published their
paper, the Lobby likened
them to David Duke. They can't pull
that, however, with Baker's wise men, a former president, and the British prime minister. The Lobby
has cried wolf once too often. Tony Judt, who has taken more than a few
hits
from the tireless efforts of the amen
corner, recently noted
the new atmosphere of glasnost when
it comes to discussing the "special" status of American-Israeli
relations:
"What seems to me the
case is that if you keep pushing, if you insist there at least be a
discussion of the Mearsheimer-Walt paper … even a discussion about the failure to discuss it, something
does change. And it seems to me there's a shift."
The Israelis recognize this shift, and Olmert's alleged slip of
the tongue is their answer. The "clean break" strategy embraced by the Israelis,
predicated on the invasion and occupation of Iraq by the Americans, has so
far played out pretty much as outlined in a notorious
game plan drawn up by top U.S. policymakers,
including neocon point-man and former Defense Policy Board official
Richard Perle, former Deputy Secretary of Defense for Policy
Douglas Feith, and David Wurmser,
currently Dick Cheney's top adviser on Middle
Eastern affairs.
The agenda put forth in this widely cited 1996 document,
intended as advice to then-incoming Israeli Prime Minister
Benjamin
Netanyahu, was meant to confront the central conundrum at the heart of the
Zionist predicament: how to overcome its essential dependence on the West. As
a settler colony, implanted by force of arms and sustained by aid from abroad,
Israel has from the start been dependent
on outside forces to ensure its
survival. What
was needed, argued the Clean Breakers, was a new offensive that
would repudiate the concept of "land for peace" and set Israel free from
Western-imposed constraints. Invoking the "right of hot pursuit,"
Israel would launch periodic invasions of Palestinian and
Lebanese territory – and set the stage for
strikes against Syria and Iran.
The road
to Damascus and Tehran would run through Baghdad, however, as the authors
of "A Clean Break" put it:
"Israel can shape its strategic environment, in cooperation with
Turkey and Jordan, by weakening, containing, and even rolling back Syria.
This effort can focus on removing Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq – an important Israeli strategic
objective in its own right – as a means of foiling Syria's
regional ambitions."
Syria and
Lebanon were seen by the Clean Breakers as the front line in their battle to
expand the frontiers of Israeli power. Following a successful
campaign
to "redefine Iraq," it would be possible to envision a
"profound" shift in the regional "strategic balance of
power." Jordan would be drawn into the new order, and the Israelis would
succeed in "diverting Syria's attention by using Lebanese opposition
elements to destabilize Syrian control of Lebanon."
Who Makes
Foreign Policy?
“The media, Congress, and the American public all seem
to have accepted something that is patently untrue: namely, that foreign
policy is the domain of the president and not Congress. This is absolutely not the case and
directly contrary to what our founding fathers wanted.”
U.S. Representative Ron Paul (R-TX)
12.11.06
The Iraq
Study Group released its report last week, giving the president several
recommendations to consider in prosecuting the war. Similarly, the incoming Democratic leaders in Congress promise
to urge the President to take a new course in Iraq. Meanwhile, one newly elected member of Congress was asked on
national television about the Iraq war.
She responded by saying she had no real opinion, and that foreign
policy was “up to the president.”
In each instance, it is assumed that the president will make
Iraq policy. I’m not talking about
the details of actual military operations in Iraq; I’m talking about the
broader policy questions of how long our troops will stay, how many will
stay, and how victory will be defined.
The media, Congress, and
the American public all seem to have accepted something that is patently
untrue: namely, that foreign policy is the domain of the president and not
Congress. This is absolutely not the case
and directly contrary to what our founding fathers wanted.
The role of the president as Commander in Chief is to direct our
armed forces in carrying out policies established by the American
people through their representatives in Congress. He is not authorized to make those
policies. He is an administrator, not
a policy maker. Foreign policy, like
all federal policy, must be made by Congress. To allow otherwise is to act in contravention of the
Constitution.
Library of Congress scholar Louis Fisher, writing in The Oxford
Companion to American Military History, summarizes presidential war power:
The
president's authority was carefully constrained. The power to repel sudden
attacks represented an emergency measure that allowed the president, when Congress
was not in session, to take actions necessary to repel sudden attacks either
against the mainland of the United States or against American troops abroad.
It did not authorize the president to take the country into full-scale war or
mount an offensive attack against another nation.
But it’s not simply the decision to wage war that is left to
Congress. Consider also the words of
James Madison:
Those
who are to conduct a war cannot in the nature of things, be
proper or safe judges, whether a war ought to be commenced,
continued, or concluded. They are barred from
the latter functions by a great principle in free government, analogous to
that which separates the sword from the purse, or the power of executing from
the power of enacting laws (italics added).
So Congress is charged not only with deciding when to go to war,
but also how to conduct-- and bring to a conclusion-- properly declared
wars. Of course the administration
has some role to play in making treaties, and the State Department should
pursue beneficial diplomacy. But the notion that presidents should
establish our broader foreign policy is dangerous and wrong. No single individual should be entrusted with
the awesome responsibility of deciding when to send our troops abroad, how to
employ them once abroad, and when to bring them home. This is why the founders wanted Congress,
the body most directly accountable to the public, to make critical decisions
about war and peace.
It is shameful that
Congress ceded so much of its proper authority over foreign policy to
successive presidents during the 20th century, especially when it
failed to declare war in Korea, Vietnam, Kosovo, and Iraq. It’s puzzling that Congress is
so willing to give away one of its most important powers, when most members
from both parties work incessantly to expand the role of Congress in domestic
matters. By transferring its role in
foreign policy to the President, Congress not only violates the Constitution,
but also disenfranchises the American electorate.
AFGHANISTAN:
The Vultures Are Circling NATO
Syed Saleem Shahzad
Asia Times – Hong Kong
12.13.06
(Excerpt)
KARACHI - In the plains of
southwestern Afghanistan, confident Taliban move around openly with their
weaponry, to the frustration of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and
Afghan National Army (ANA) troops who can see them, but seem helpless in
containing them.
Indeed,
foreign troops are mostly held hostage in their bases, and their alternatives
are stark: conduct aerial bombings in which civilians would surely be heavy
casualties, or pull out.
The
mood on the ground in Afghanistan is that the latter option will prevail.
"It
was really fun to fight with the Soviets [in the 1980s], but not so with the
Americans. I remember once, mujahideen besieged three Soviet soldiers. They
were injured and they had the chance to retreat and be airlifted. But they
refused and fought till their last. They had a certain level of conviction.
The Americans do not have this," Khuda-i-Rahim told Asia Times Online.
Khuda-i-Rahim
is a veteran commander. He lost a leg, both arms and some sight in a bomb
explosion in Kandahar while fighting against Russian troops. He spent some time in the US
in the 1980s and now lives in Baghran in the northernmost district of Helmand
province.
"They [Americans] hear the sound of a single bullet fired in the air and
they do not dare to go to the place where the bullet was fired. The Russians stayed in
Afghanistan for 11 years because of their conviction, but against the
determination of the Afghan resistance they finally withdrew. I don't see a
chance that once there is a national uprising like the one against the
Russians, the Americans will stay for a few months," said Khuda-i-Rahim.
The current Afghan insurgency is widely viewed as a highly ideologically
motivated movement along the lines of al-Qaeda and similar to the Taliban
uprising of the mid-1990s in which fanatical madrassa-educated
youths seized power.
Certainly, the present Afghan resistance against foreign troops and the
administration of President Hamid Karzai is undoubtedly led by Taliban leader
Mullah Omar and Islam is unquestionably the binding force. Nevertheless, at ground
level the field command is in the hands of seasoned commanders who fought against
the Soviets and who are driven more by Afghan traditions than by ideology.
The Afghan
battle strategy has always been based on preserving strength by appearing to
give way to the enemy by letting them parade through the country in search
operations that only upset the population.
For
the invaders, this is exhausting and brings small results. The resistance,
meanwhile, is everywhere, watching and waiting like vultures, ready to swoop.
Such is the situation in the Sangin district of Helmand province, just 2.5
kilometers from Kandahar city.

Pinochet's
Death Spares the Bush Family
Robert Parry
Consortiumnews.com
12.12.06
(Excerpt)
Gen. Augusto
Pinochet’s death on Dec. 10 means the Bush Family can breathe a little bit
easier, knowing that criminal proceedings against Chile’s notorious dictator
can no longer implicate his longtime friend and protector, former President
George H.W. Bush.
Although Chilean
investigations against other defendants may continue, the cases against
Pinochet end with his death of a heart attack at the age of 91. Pinochet’s death from
natural causes also marks a victory for world leaders, including George H.W.
and George W. Bush, who shielded Pinochet from justice over the past three
decades.
The Bush
Family’s role in the Pinochet cover-up began in 1976 when then-CIA Director
George H.W. Bush diverted investigators away from Pinochet’s
guilt in a car bombing in Washington that killed political rival Orlando
Letelier and an American, Ronni Moffitt.
The cover-up stretched into
the presidency of George W. Bush when he sidetracked an FBI recommendation to
indict Pinochet in the Letelier-Moffitt
murders.
Over those intervening 30
years, Pinochet allegedly engaged in a variety of illicit operations,
including terrorism,
torture, murder, drug trafficking, money-laundering and illicit arms
shipments – sometimes with the official collusion of the U.S. government.
In the 1980s, when George H.W.
Bush was Vice President, Pinochet’s regime helped funnel weapons to the
Nicaraguan contra rebels and to Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, an operation that also
implicated then-CIA official Robert M. Gates, who will be the next U.S.
Secretary of Defense.
When Pinochet faced perhaps
his greatest risk of prosecution – in 1998 when he was detained in London
pending extradition to Spain on charges of murdering Spanish citizens – former President George
H.W. Bush protested Pinochet’s arrest, calling it “a travesty of justice” and
joining in a successful appeal to the British courts to let Pinochet go home
to Chile.
Once Pinochet was returned to
Chile, the wily ex-dictator employed a legal strategy of political
obstruction and assertions of ill health to avert prosecution. Until his death, he
retained influential friends in the Chilean power structure and in key
foreign capitals, especially Washington.

~ VIDEO: Jimmy Carter on ‘Hardball’
~

Former U.S.
President’s Bestselling Book Denouncing Israel 'Apartheid' Draws Bitter
Attack From U.S. Israel Lobby
By Karen DeYoung
Washington Post Staff Writer
12.7.06
(Excerpt)
A veteran Middle East scholar affiliated
with the Carter Center in Atlanta resigned his position there Monday in an
escalating controversy over former president Jimmy Carter's bestselling book
on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
The book, "Palestine: Peace Not
Apartheid," traces the ups and downs of the Israeli-Palestinian peace
process beginning with Carter's 1977-1980 presidency and the historic peace
accord he negotiated between Israel and Egypt and continuing to the present.
Although it apportions blame to Israel, the Palestinians and outside parties
-- including the United States -- for the failure of decades of peace
efforts, it is sharply critical of Israeli policy and concludes that "Israel's
continued control and colonization of Palestinian land have been the primary
obstacles to a comprehensive peace agreement in the Holy Land."
Jimmy Carter says his recent book is
drawing
knee-jerk accusations of anti-Israel
bias.
Jimmy Carter
Opinion: Op Ed - Los Angeles Times
12.8.06
(Excerpt)
With some degree of reluctance and
some uncertainty about the reception my book would receive, I used maps, text
and documents to describe the situation accurately and to analyze the only possible path to
peace: Israelis and Palestinians living side by side within their own
internationally recognized boundaries.
These options are consistent with key U.N. resolutions supported by the U.S.
and Israel, official American policy since 1967, agreements consummated by
Israeli leaders and their governments in 1978 and 1993 (for which they earned
Nobel Peace Prizes), the Arab League's offer to recognize Israel in 2002 and
the International Quartet's "Roadmap for Peace," which has been
accepted by the PLO and largely rejected by Israel.
The book is devoted to circumstances
and events in Palestine and not in Israel, where democracy prevails and
citizens live together and are legally guaranteed equal status.
Although I have spent only a week or so on a book tour so far, it is already
possible to judge public and media reaction. Sales are brisk, and I have had
interesting interviews on TV, including "Larry King Live," "Hardball," "Meet the Press," "The NewsHour With
Jim Lehrer," the "Charlie
Rose" show, C-SPAN and others. But I have seen few news stories in major newspapers about what
I have written.
Book reviews in the mainstream media have been written mostly
by representatives of Jewish organizations [Context] who would be unlikely to visit
the occupied territories, and their primary criticism is that the book is anti-Israel. Two members of Congress have been publicly critical. Incoming
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi for instance, issued a statement (before the book was
published) saying that "he does not speak for the Democratic Party on
Israel." Some reviews posted on Amazon.com call me
"anti-Semitic," and others accuse the book of "lies" and
"distortions." A former Carter Center fellow has taken
issue with it, and Alan
Dershowitz called the book's title "indecent."
Out in the real world, however, the response
has been overwhelmingly positive.
I've signed books in five stores, with more than 1,000 buyers at each site. I've
had one negative remark — that I should be tried for treason — and one caller
on C-SPAN said that I was an anti-Semite. My most troubling
experience has been the rejection of my offers to speak, for free, about the
book on university campuses with high Jewish enrollment and to answer
questions from students and professors. I have been most encouraged by
prominent Jewish citizens and members of Congress who have thanked me
privately for presenting the facts and some new ideas.
The book describes the abominable oppression and persecution in the occupied
Palestinian territories, with a rigid system of required passes and strict
segregation between Palestine's citizens and Jewish settlers in the West
Bank. An enormous imprisonment wall is now under construction, snaking through what is left of
Palestine to encompass more and more land for Israeli settlers. In many
ways, this is more oppressive than what blacks lived under in South Africa
during apartheid. I have made it clear that the motivation is not racism but
the desire of a minority of Israelis to confiscate and
colonize choice sites in Palestine, and then to forcefully
suppress any objections from the displaced citizens. Obviously, I condemn any
acts of terrorism or violence against innocent civilians, and I present
information about the terrible casualties on both sides.
The ultimate purpose of my book is to present facts about the Middle East
that are largely
unknown in America, to
precipitate discussion and to help restart peace talks (now absent for six
years) that can lead to permanent peace for Israel and its neighbors. Another hope is that Jews
and other Americans who share this same goal might be motivated to express
their views, even publicly, and perhaps in concert. I would be glad to help
with that effort.
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An extraordinarily prescient TV interview with General Norman
Schwarzkopf and Robert Gates - Deputy National Security Advisor to Former
President George Bush Sr.
Why Invading Iraq Was A Very Stupid Idea…

(Click on blinking dot above for video)
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